ra (from which I have learned so much, though compelled to dissent in one matter of cardinal importance) and of Anton von P

otic rule of three Caesarian leaders, passed into the predominance of one man, Caesar’s grand-nephew: for the security of h

retation of the Roman Revolution there stands a notable exception. To one of the unsuccessful champions of political libert

of violence and despotism. The fame and fate of Cicero, however, are one thing: quite different is the estimate of his pol

ly. The reason for such exceptional favour may be largely assigned to one thing the influence of literature when studied in

e the testimony of the vanquished cause. That would merely substitute one form of biography for another. At its worst, biog

and in certain aspects his Principate was a syndicate. In truth, the one term presupposes the other. The career of the rev

n Rome and direct the policy of the imperial Republic as consul or as one of the principes. Cicero lacked the full equipmen

ce married, to a NotesPage=>020 1 As Scipio Aemilianus said of one of them, ‘si quintum pareret mater eius, asinum f

lcher (pr. 56) and P. Clodius Pulcher (tr. pl. 58). Of the daughters, one was married to Q. Marcius Rex (cos. 68), the seco

e, the prerogative of the aristocracy,5 were now being monopolized by one man. Something more was involved than the privi

senator. The decay of the Republic, the impulsion towards the rule of one imperator, were patent and impressive. 1 To the

ceasing to solicit and claim the support of Pompeius even though the one of them turned against the People when elected co

achment in war and politics to the baronial family of Picenum was the one sure hope of advancement. M. Lollius Palicanus, a

n the East. Pompeius requested their acceptance by the Senate, all in one measure: Lucullus insisted on debate, point by po

ιν πὶ σϕίσιν ἡγoυµ νƞ δυσχ ραινϵ. 2 Attested for Lentulus Spinther, one of the consuls of 57 (Caesar, BC 1, 22, 4), and p

e described as four ancient and eminent families, linked closely with one another and with the Catonian faction. Rising t

soon found that their power was passing. Death took off their consuls one by one. 2 Marriage or adoption might retrieve the

und that their power was passing. Death took off their consuls one by one . 2 Marriage or adoption might retrieve the waning

The Metelli had employed their women to good effect in the past; and one of their daughters was given in marriage to the e

of Spain, belonged only to the past. They had been able to show only one consul in the preceding generation. 3 More specta

self the son of a Caecilia Metella and husband of a Servilia, he gave one daughter for wife to Pompeius’ elder son, another

nd the liberties of the Roman People, that all the land would rise as one man against the invader. Nothing of the kind happ

tter of Caesar’s party the contrast of disreputable scoundrels on the one side and high-born patriots on the other is as sc

knew that secret enemies would soon direct that deadly weapon against one who had used it with such dexterity in the past a

ctivity: with the lapse of time the situation might become clearer in one way or another. NotesPage=>055 1 A. D. Noc

well knew. 1 ‘For all his genius, Caesar could not see a way out’, as one of his friends was subsequently to remark. 2 And

orced into an autocratic position. It meant the lasting domination of one man instead of the rule of the law, the constitut

tary commands in the Civil War. Among the other eleven consulars only one was an active partisan, commanding armies, namely

le and a man of spirit: but kinship might be invoked in excuse. Hence one of the Marcelli, the consul who had placed a swor

onsuls of 54, the Optimates Ahenobarbus and Ap. Pulcher, had arranged one transaction (Ad Att. 4, 15, 7). 3 On these men,

y years later, on the verge of another coup d’état, Pompeius had only one censor on his side, Ap. Claudius, who strove to e

he plebs would not have given preference and votes against Caesar for one of themselves or for a mere municipal dignitary.

ee legions in Egypt under the charge of a certain Rufinus, the son of one of his freedmen. 5 Such in brief was the follow

e senators stated once to have served in the ranks as centurions only one is sufficiently attested. 1 Worse than all that

, 2, cf. Münzer, P- W VI A, 1557. For the possibility that there were one or two provincial senators even before Caesar, cf

f.; R. Syme, BSR Papers XIV (1938), 4 ff.; 23 f. To support this view one need not appeal merely to general statements like

offered public opposition to M. Livius Drusus; 4 and L. Visidius was one of the partisans who watched over the life of Cic

mong his legates is found no man with a name ending in ‘-idius’, only one ‘-enus’, the Picene Labienus. 6 M. Aemilius Lep

the evening when the Caesarian leaders and the Liberators entertained one another to banquets. The next day, further measur

ad lent his eloquence to all political causes in turn, was sincere in one thing, loyalty to the established order. His past

, seizing the strong place of Apamea. His forces were inconsiderable, one or two legions; and Apamea was closely invested b

onged. It all turned upon the Caesarian consul. Marcus Antonius was one of the most able of Caesar’s young men. A nobilis

er. Thoughtful men reflected that its powers could easily be restored one day under another appellation. At the end of Marc

d Att. 14, 9, 3 (April 18th). 3 Below, p. 130. PageBook=>108 one , and that not without consulting an eminent adver

less ambition In April Antonius seemed reasonably secure. At home the one menace was assassination. Republicans who cursed

heir to his name and fortune a certain C. Octavius, the grandson of one of his sisters. On the paternal side the youth ca

urhood. 3 But the youth was too astute to confine his attentions to one party. Cicero was living at Cumae at this time. H

lly plebs and veterans, and the acquiescence of the Senate. A move to one side would alienate the other. Hitherto Antonius

me of it for the moment: at need, he would always be able to purchase one or other of the ten members of the tribunician co

ne tribes. This was serious. Antonius therefore resolved to take over one part of his consular province, the Cisalpina, at

g towards Ravenna. He now established a base at Arretium, the town of one of his chief partisans. 4 At Brundisium angry a

NotesPage=>130 1 Ad fam. 12, 23, 2. 2 Appian, BC 3, 94, 391 one of the great advantages of the adoption. PageBo

who had come safely through civil war or who owed rank and fortune to one revolution were not eager to stir up another. But

to squeeze Brutus and Cassius out of the consulate of 41 B.C. and get one of the places for his son, praetor in 44. 6 His

otoriously alien, and common friends, a hankering for applause on the one side and a gracious disposition to please and to

To be sure, he offered a safeguard to the conservatives by permitting one of the assassins of Caesar to be elected tribune7

tavianus NotesPage=>142 1 Ad Att. 16, 8 (Nov. 2nd), cf. 16, 9 ( one or two days later). 1 Ib. 16, 11, 6. 4 Ib. 16

own sagacity: it had ever been his hope to act as political mentor to one of the generals of the Republic. When Pompeius ha

. For the sake of peace and the common good, all power had to pass to one man. That was not the worst feature of monarchy i

extremity of civil war. Among Caesar’s allies Pollio was not the only one who followed the friend but cursed the cause. The

change sides. Suitable terminology was available. The dissolution of one alliance and the formation of another was justifi

ey were Caesarians. His harsh verdict is borne out by the facts. Only one of the five was an obstacle to Cicero, or of serv

o, or of service to Antonius, namely an old enemy, Q. Fufius Calenus, one of Caesar’s generals, a clever politician and an

labella was on his way eastwards: he had sent legates in advance, the one to Syria, the other to secure for him the legions

g proconsul of Macedonia, Hortensius, the son of the great orator and one of his own near relatives. 3 When all was ready,

v (1913), 269. PageBook=>164 East were consigned to Cassius in one act. Nor was this all. Sextus Pompeius had alread

ombre and perspicacious Brutus. Two letters reveal his insight. 5 The one to Atticus ‘what is the point of overthrowing Ant

down Brutus as his prey. 2 Of the jurors, though carefully selected, one man gave his vote for absolution and remained unm

of Mutina, when he treated the Antonian captives with honour, sending one of the officers to Antonius with a friendly messa

al and concordant. On the list of the proscriptions all told they set one hundred and thirty senators and a great number of

ar. Yet neither of these men perished, and the murderers claimed only one consular victim, M. Tullius Cicero. The Caesarian

omogeneous, and the Dictator stood above parties. He did not champion one class against another. If he had begun a revoluti

raetors were created by Caesar, a rational and even necessary reform: one year of the Triumvirate witnessed no fewer than s

nsulars, only three claim any mention in subsequent history, and only one for long. The renegade from the Catonian party, P

charge of Rome and Italy. The real control rested with Antonius, for one of his partisans, Calenus, seems to have commande

e brilliant success of Brutus on the right wing, deceived perhaps, as one account runs, through a defect of his eyesight1 a

ed of the town council of Perusia, with the exception, it is said, of one man, an astute person who in Rome had secured for

two consulars, the soldier Ventidius and the diplomatic Plancus, and one consul for the illustrious year of Pollio had beg

. At Athens he met Fulvia and Plancus. He heard the reproaches of the one and the excuses of the other; he learned the full

on. On several theories of cosmic economy it was firmly believed that one world-epoch was passing, another was coming into

d in 149 B.C. They were therefore due to recur in 39 B.C. at least on one calculation. The Etruscan seer Vulcanius announce

ransferred their allegiance to Antonius, who, though a Caesarian, was one of themselves, a soldier and a man of honour. Pea

o journeys to the coast of Italy to meet his triumviral colleague and one to the bank of the Euphrates, he superintended fr

ere modified and completed. It will be convenient to mention later in one place the territories and kingdoms according to t

to support the war against Pompeius. From his fleet Antonius resigned one hundred and twenty ships against the promise of t

nnius and Libo. These persons can mostly be identified. There is only one difficulty, whether Saturninus is the Sentius Sat

one difficulty, whether Saturninus is the Sentius Saturninus Vetulo, one of the proscribed, who, along with Libo conducted

rly be reckoned a Claudian of the other branch, Ap. Claudius Pulcher, one of the consuls of the year. 5 One of the suffec

he young man went on with his war, encouraged by an initial advantage one of the most trusted of the freedmen of Pompeius h

3 Sex. Peducaeus, who had served under Caesar in the Civil Wars, was one of Octavianus’ legates in the Spanish provinces a

eir families to acquire senatorial rank. The admirable D. Carfulenus, one of the casualties of Mutina, and the ex-centurion

ment, inherited or acquired. 4 C. Calvisius Sabinus (cos. 39 B.C.), one of Caesar’s officers and a senator before the ass

S 6463. 3 In whose company he is first mentioned, in 43, perhaps as one of his legates (Ad fam. 12, 25, 1: ‘Minotauri, id

hat, nothing till his consulate and service as an admiral. Presumably one of Caesar’s new senators. 4 Note Statius Statil

Italy: in both he advertised and extended his power. L. Vinicius was one of the new consuls: he had not been heard of for

e but with a good pretext. 1 Among the consulars could be discerned one Claudius only, one Aemilius, partisans of Octavia

retext. 1 Among the consulars could be discerned one Claudius only, one Aemilius, partisans of Octavianus; no Fabii at al

Fabii at all, of the patrician Cornelii two at the most, perhaps only one ; 2 no Valerii yet, but the Valerii were soon to p

voidance of rhythm to the extremity of abruptness and so archaic that one would have fancied him born a century earlier. 4

oem called Smyrna, was torn to pieces by the Roman mob in mistake for one of the assassins of Caesar; Q. Cornificius, anoth

e dependencies, should not be regarded as paramount and apart, but as one link in a chain of kingdoms that ran north to Pon

uld seek to demonstrate that the Roman was not a brutal conqueror but one of themselves, displaying not tolerant superiorit

e balanced union between Roman party leader and Hellenistic dynast in one person; the latter role would be sensibly enhance

ollowing, for example, M. Titius and C. Furnius; and a Nerva, perhaps one of the Cocceii, was an intimate, perhaps a legate

rsus, it was Aphrodite meeting Dionysus, for the blessing of Asia, so one account goes; 1 and their union has been represen

provoked excessive debate, does not need to be discussed here. On the one hand, the Triumvirs could continue to hold their

hostile attack if the Senate decided to discuss the acta of Antonius one by one, as when Pompeius requested confirmation o

e attack if the Senate decided to discuss the acta of Antonius one by one , as when Pompeius requested confirmation of his o

the next year he would be consul with Corvinus, instead of Antonius: one of the suffecti was to be Cn. Pompeius, a great-g

he very end. Most significant is the strong Republican following of one already denounced as an enemy of Rome, as a champ

ius 58. 2 Velleius 2, 83, 3. It was C. Coponius, an ex-Pompeian and one of the proscribed (P-W iv, 1215), of a reputable

ely be recommended. Nor is it to be fancied that all the land rose as one man in patriotic ardour, clamouring for a crusade

all. The oath of allegiance was perhaps not a single act, ordered by one decree of the Caesarian leader and executed simul

ntela of the Antonii 2 And some certainly did, Dio 51, 4, 6. 3 Of one of the Claudii, presumably the Censor, Suetonius

est friends and partisans. It would be a brave man, or a very foolish one , who asserted the cause of liberty anywhere in th

Greek East. The Empire might split into two parts very easily. It is one of the miracles of Roman history that in subseque

sonified, the birth-legend in the mythology of the Principate. On the one side stood Caesar’s heir with the Senate and Peop

e spared all Roman citizens who asked to be spared. 4 dementia became one of his cardinal virtues; and the historian Vellei

Egypt and its wealth for Rome, he could afford to abandon Armenia and one part of the north-eastern frontier policy of Anto

f Asia soon after Actium(Josephus, AJ 16, 171), perhaps for more than one year; and a certain Thorius Flaccus, otherwise un

abroad or faction at home. Peace had been established, there was only one faction left—and it was in power. The pleasing

tor, which had been conceded since Actium to other proconsuls, and to one commander at least who was perhaps not a proconsu

ained with a brother’s blood and himself killed by Roman senators, so one legend ran, before his assumption NotesPage=>

though slow and combated. Rome’s peculiar greatness was due not to one man’s genius or to NotesPage=>315 1 Cicero

erium magistratuum ad pristinum redactum modum,' PageBook=>316 one age, but to many men and the long process of time

he shield of Aeneas allows a brief glimpse of the future life, on the one side Catilina in hell, tormented by furies for ev

tion that excited the admiration of Polybius:2 even if the primacy of one man in the State were admitted, it was not for a

l service—he was granted in 30 B.C. the right of nominating each year one member of the board of praetors. 2 A noble, but n

usually consular in rank. Thus all Spain, it appears, had been under one governor, with several legates as his subordinate

governed Spain as proconsul in absence through three legates, namely one consular and two praetorian. The division of im

of this impressive and unprecedented array of viri triumphales, only one was to hold command of an army again, and that

. PageBook=>330 Of these six legati Augusti pro praetore, only one was of consular standing. 1 The others were praet

etorian. Nor was high birth in evidence. The family and connexions of one of the legates are uncertain; 2 none of the other

uff. 16) and M. Vinicius (cos. suff. 19) may well have held more than one praetorian command in the provinces: Illyricum an

he trial of Primus and conspiracy of Murena to 22 B.C. Moreover, only one consular list, the Fasti Capitolini, reveals the

ch existed, or private dislike. Yet even so, only four years earlier, one of the closest of the associates of Augustus, Cor

ain his military imperium within the gates of the city. That was only one part of the scheme: he now devised a formidable a

imself in the island of Lesbos, a pleasant resort and well chosen for one who wished to keep watch over the Balkans as well

illiant career in war and politics, for they were the direct heirs of one branch of the patrician Claudii, the Nerones. T

eparture to the East provoked various and inconsistent conjecture. In one version, Agrippa retired in disgust and resentmen

ugustus there could be no hereditary succession, for two reasons, the one juristic and the other personal. Augustus’ powers

of things was saved. A democracy cannot rule an empire. Neither can one man, though empire may appear to presuppose monar

s and their dissensions broke the compact and inaugurated the rule of one man. No sooner destroyed, the Triumvirate had to

ce: Octavianus had been too ambitious to be a loyal partner. Now that one man stood supreme, invested with power and with a

e qualities requisite for a ruler of the world should all be found in one man. A triumvirate was ready to hand, in the comp

d autonomous municipalities in the West, the Empire was too large for one man to rule it. Already the temporary severance o

t needs, with developments of the imagined future. Two emperors might one day be required or four. Yet the fabric must be h

a donative in money to the veterans in his colonies. 3 No fewer than one hundred and twenty thousand men received the boun

e Civil Wars no doubt a conventional assertion, not restricted to any one class of the wealthy in the Principate of Augustu

ously indignant ‘hoc, hoc tribuno militum’. 6 Horace himself was only one generation better. Here again, no return to Repub

rable to the commands which were accessible to a minor proconsul, but one more rich and powerful than any. A Roman knight l

leius furnished palpable evidence. Again, it often happened that only one son of a municipal family chose to enter the Sena

governing faction was not the execution of a theory or the act of any one man, it could hardly be suspended at one blow. Ev

f a theory or the act of any one man, it could hardly be suspended at one blow. Even had he desired, a ruler would be impot

d from his acts, which were liable to misrepresentation. Of his acts, one of the most significant might appear to be his au

steri eorum. ’ 2 Junius Gallio, a speaker of some note, who adopted one of the three sons of Seneca the Elder, probably c

pport of the nobiles in his youth. Before his marriage to Livia, only one descendant of a consular family (Cn. Domitius Cal

publican dignity, it now seemed worth having to the aristocracy. From one fraud Augustus was debarred. He had already resto

eparted from Rome before the end of 23 B.C., removing from men’s eyes one of the visible evidences of military despotism. N

hen he refused, they persisted in the next best thing, leaving vacant one of the two consulates for the next year, 21 B.C.

ecurred. The year 19 B.C. opened with Augustus still absent, and only one consul in office, C. Sentius Saturninus. There wa

uzzling. It almost looks as though, in each year, Augustus had filled one place with his own candidate, leaving the other f

n Rome itself. During the absence of the ruler (22-19 B.C.) each year one of the two consuls had been a partisan of Augustu

1 ILS 7448 f. attests the German bodyguard of the Statilii, perhaps one hundred and thirty strong. 2 For the basis of c

om his own productions. Of the younger generation of the Vinicii, the one was an elegant speaker and man of fashion, not al

most among the principes viri in an aristocratic monarchy linked with one another and with the dynasty; and though the Scip

tesPage=>377 1 T. Quinctius Crispinus Sulpicianus (cos. 9 B.C.), one of the paramours of Julia; P. Quinctilius Varus (

herents shared in his social ascension. Agrippa’s first wife had been one of the prizes of the Civil Wars. She was the rich

e upstart Quirinius, his first wife was an Appia Claudia, daughter of one of the earliest noble supporters of the faction.

13, II. 2 Cicero, Ad fam. 8, 14, 1. 3 Augustus records that about one hundred and seventy of his adherents in the War o

eian marshals commanding armies under the Principate of Augustus only one besides Agrippa, namely M. Lollius, is honoured b

n continuously, in the Spanish wars and against Mithridates. 3 He was one of the three legates who governed Spain for Pompe

ibed as a ‘vir militaris’, and destined after his consulate to govern one of the great military provinces, had not always b

s industria’, subsequently as consulars governed important provinces, one after another. These were among the greatest, but

his sojourn as vicegerent of the eastern lands (17-13 B.C.). That was one solution of the political danger. But Agrippa dep

uctive class. Four men of note governed Galatia at different times, one when praetorian, the others consular. M. Lollius

legate between Titius and Sentius, but there is no point in inserting one . 3 Dio 54, 20, 4 ff.; Velleius 2, 97, 1; Julius

the former and that the two Spanish armies had by now been fused into one . Which is not unlikely. As for Varus, his procons

m and prepare public business. The committee, comprising the consuls, one member from every other board of magistrates and

bate with those two party-magnates, the soldier and the diplomat. The one advocated a republic, the other monarchy. The con

Augustus had his way. He was left in 6 B.C. with the two boys, the one in his fourteenth, the other in his eleventh year

eclipse. Depressed and decimated by war and revolution, swept up into one party and harnessed as they had been to the servi

y could tolerate the rule of monarchy more easily than the primacy of one of their own number. Augustus knew it. The ambiti

les would not put up with Cinna in the place of Augustus. 1 Cinna was one of themselves, noble and patrician at that, and s

as his colleague. From that year the practice of appointing more than one pair of consuls becomes regular. On the Fasti n

blic rumour and private intrigue. As the family circle of Augustus at one time comprised no fewer than three pairs of women

cos. 10 B.C.), a man of taste and culture, took over from Agrippa the one Marcella, P. Quinctilius Varus (cos. 13 B.C.) had

s, Divus Claudius 26, 1). Cf. also below, p. 425. 3 On the Plautii, one of the earliest houses of the new plebeian nobili

relations are exceedingly complicated. He was married at least twice ( one of his wives was probably a Calpurnia, CIL VI, 29

of A.D. 2 is probably a Lentulus. 3 Namely two consuls in 18 B.C., one in 14 B.C. Then an interval, and four more (3 B.C

ly he was twice married. M. Licinius Crassus Frugi (cos. A.D. 27) was one of his sons, adopted, it appears, by the mysterio

the aunt of this Asprenas, cf. the stemma, Table VII at end. Further, one of the Volusii married a Nonia Polla (OGIS 468).

ardly a monster. Granted a sufficient and damning measure of truth in one or two charges of adultery Julia was a Roman aris

game and shattered Augustus’ ambition of securing the succession for one of his own blood. He had surmounted scandal and c

3 More instructive, perhaps, if no more authentic, was the report of one of his latest conversations, at which the claims

litary province. Silius’ two brothers attained to the consulate, only one of them, however, to military command. 3 This bei

, the veteran Sentius Saturninus led the army of Germany eastwards as one column of the convergent attack, while under Tibe

t out a secret. It will be recalled that Seius Strabo had a wife from one branch of the patrician Cornelii Lentuli. 1 A p

tisans. On the Rhine were massed eight legions under two legates, the one C. Silius A. Caecina Largus, the son of one of Au

ns under two legates, the one C. Silius A. Caecina Largus, the son of one of Augustus’ faithful generals, the other A. Ca

Citerior. 1 These were the armed provinces of Caesar. Africa, with one legion, was governed by the proconsul L. Nonius A

rvices rendered and expected. The task might appear too great for any one man but Augustus alone, a syndicate might appear

might affect to believe him unwilling to contemplate the execution of one of his own blood. 2 That interpretation was not m

o Tacitus, not deluded by the outcome of a civil war that substituted one emperor for another and changed the personnel, bu

of them remained in the Commonwealth, it was to be monopolized by the one Princeps, along with dementia. The governing clas

e Roman, but the inherited and cumulative curse would propagate, from one generation of corruption to the next, each worse

cui dabit partis scelus expiandi Iuppiter? 2 There could be only one answer. The official head of the state religion,

oebi. 1 The myth of Actium was religious as well as national on the one side Rome and all the gods of Italy, on the other

the Sabine Sp. Ligustinus (Livy 42, 34) who inherited from his father one iugerum of land and the ‘parvum tugurium’ in whic

spurious Lycurgus to the authentic and revolutionary Gracchi were at one in awarding to moral and military excellence the

e deep-rooted and genuine. He admired the aristocracy, for he was not one of them; he chastened them, but with a loving han

5 ff. = Vom Geist des Rômer turns, 171 ff. 3 Aen. 1, 282, quoted on one occasion by Augustus (Suetonius, Divus Aug. 40, 5

d patriotic regeneration, the effort had not been in vain: it was not one man’s idea, and the origins of it went back befor

t up a monument in honour of a girl who had produced five children at one birth. 5 For reasons less obvious a centenarian a

41). Ch. XXXI THE OPPOSITION PageBook=>476 THE army had made one emperor and could make another; and the change fr

w trials of offending governors are recorded in the time of Augustus: one of them reveals what Asia had to suffer from a mu

d that his life be spared. 3 The claim was impudent: it is refuted by one of his own historians who, praising the ‘lenitas

Canidius’ constancy in the last emergency, if believed, would reveal one man at least who was killed though begging for li

hen uniting with Antonius at Brundisium he had condoned the return of one of the assassins, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus. Nor,

once launched a savage attack upon the patriotic gymnastics in which one of his grandsons had broken a leg. 4 The great

broken a leg. 4 The great jurist M. Antistius Labeo, whose father, one of the assassins of the Dictator, had committed s

e-eminence of Labeo in legal scholarship there was no doubt: he spent one half of the year instructing his pupils, the othe

lio himself may have had a local accent. Nor was the judgement merely one of style, as though a Roman of Rome, infallible a

lapsed with Marcellus, the nephew of Augustus, but the name supplied one collateral consul then, M. Claudius Marcellus Aes

, Ann. 13, 1). Junia Calvina was relegated on a charge of incest with one of her brothers (Ann. 12, 4); for the date of her

omats Plancus and Pollio, tenacious of life themselves, each produced one son at least. Daughters, however, were the heirs

; and other novi homines disappear utterly or prolong their family by one generation only. 3 Nor are the new families enn

4 Seneca, De clem. 1, 15. PageBook=>499 Lollius, too, had only one son. M. Papius Mutilus the Samnite and the two Vi

consuls and a consul-designate, did not outlive the Julio-Claudians; one of them perished with Messallina, his imperial pa

nicius belong to the reign of Claudius. Pollio was survived by only one son, Gallus, who came to a miserable end. But Gal

ul M. Cocceius Nerva was elevated to the purple. He had no children one of the reasons, no doubt, for the choice. There w

ge and advancement to their friends or fellow countrymen. 2 Agricola, one of the principes viri of the Flavian age, and M.

Even had Antoninus Pius not become emperor, he would still have been one of the wealthiest citizens in all the world. Ho

e seven or eight men sprung from Triumviral or Augustan consuls: only one man of this class commands an army, and a small o

tan consuls: only one man of this class commands an army, and a small one at that. He was Ti. Plautius Silvanus Aelianus, a

ing and extravagant. 2 Augustus himself had to intervene, prohibiting one of his gladiatorial shows. This Ahenobarbus left

own theme was dull and narrow. But the historian who had experienced one civil war in his own lifetime, and the threat of

any more, for long speeches in the Senate or before the People, when one man had the supreme decision in the Commonwealth,

n nature. There was no escape. Despite the nominal sovranty of law, one man ruled. 2 This is his comment on Tiberius. I

r he had played well his part in the comedy of life. 2 There could be one answer or none. Whatever his deserts, his fame wa

anity: to Romans he was no more than the head of the Roman State. Yet one thing was certain. When he was dead, Augustus wou